This is a post that I’ve wanted to write for awhile but have been putting off because it deals with subject matter that is, at least here in the United States, very controversial. I certainly have my own opinions concerning the subject, but I’ll do my best to be as objective as possible when covering this caseso you can have the facts in front of you and draw your own conclusion. This is the case of Kermit Gosnell.
Kermit Baron Gosnell was raised in West Philadelphia, the only child of a gas station operator and government clerk. In April 1952, when Gosnell was a child, he was denied entrance to a local YMCA due to his race. It was then that he decided to work to make his community — and the world — better. He graduated from the prestigious Central High School — where he was a top student — earned a bachelor’s degree from Dickinson College, and studied medicine at Thomas Jefferson Medical College. After his graduation in 1966, he returned to Philadelphia to really kick his quest for improving the community into high gear.
At first, he seemed to be doing well. He operated a halfway house as well as a “teen aid” center and a general practice clinic. Patients at the clinic got medical care for free if they couldn’t pay, as did neighborhood children who got hurt playing on the streets of Philadelphia. Gosnell had a good reputation in the community.
In 1973, the enormous supreme court decision Roe vs. Wade concluded that a woman had the right to an abortion, with individual states being able to regulate it after the first trimester if they so chose. At some point in the 1970’s, Gosnell said he would never want an abortion performed if it were his child in question, but wanted to provide abortions for women who “want and need them.”
Around this time, Gosnell started working with a man named Harvey Karman. Karman was testing a new device called the “super coil” method, the goal of which was to make abortions easier, cheaper and less painful. At some point, they were invited by the Bangladeshi government to test this method on hundreds of women who had been raped by Pakistani soldiers. Gosnell claimed none of those women suffered complications.
Gosnell started offering this “super coil” abortion method in 1972, and was even filmed for an educational TV show in New York City discussing it. But things didn’t go as smoothly as he had probably hoped.
Between May 13 and 14th of that year, the device was used on 15 Philadelphia women who were in their second trimester of pregnancy. (Even though Roe vs. Wade hadn’t been decided at that point, abortion was legal under some circumstances in some states, which is probably why this could be performed in Philadelphia.) Of the 15 women who got this “super coil” procedure, 9 suffered “serious complications,” including a perforated uterus, infections and what’s known as an “incomplete abortion” (in which fetal parts are left behind inside the woman). One of them even ended up needing a hysterectomy.
The CDC and Philadelphia Department of Public Health launched and investigation, and a lengthy court battle followed. Karman was convicted of practicing medicine without a license, but the conviction was later overturned. Gosnell was never charged for his part, and believes it’s because he was coming from a place of altruism rather than profit. The entire incident would come to be known as the “Mother’s Day Massacre.”
In 1979, Gosnell opened his “Women’s Medical Society” in the same Philadelphia neighborhood he grew up in. The clinic was certified for abortions that same year, though he let the license expire the following year and didn’t renew it for almost a decade. In 1982, a woman named Pearl began working at the clinic. Gosnell, who had been married twice before, married Pearl in 1990. She is the mother of two of his six children, and the couple also raised an unofficial foster daughter as their own from the time she was an infant.
In 1989, Pennsylvania became the first state to attempt to restrict legal abortion with their Abortion Control Act. This act placed a number of restrictions on abortions, but two are especially important to this story: A 24 hour waiting period and parental consent for minors. (As of May 2018, these restrictions are still in place.) At some point, a 24 week limit (or specifically, 23 weeks and 6 days) was also implemented in the state which, as of me writing this, is also still in effect.
At first, Gosnell complied with these restrictions. While other doctors wouldn’t perform abortions past 20 weeks or even 12 weeks, Gosnell elected to go beyond this, though never past the 24 week limit. But then patients stopped coming quite as often, and Gosnell went to drastic measures to keep the money flowing. The man who had treated neighborhood children for free was never as charitable when it came to abortions, and patients who came to him for abortions often had to spend weeks raising money for the procedure. And it only gets worse from here.
Gosnell started to ignore not only the parental consent laws and waiting period, but the 24 week limit as well. If a woman came in for an abortion, an ultrasound would be performed, supposedly to determine how far along she was. But if she appeared be further along than 24 weeks, Gosnell would fudge the numbers, always saying she was 24.5 weeks. Interestingly, an abortion at 24.5 weeks would still be illegal under Pennsylvania law, which said they couldn’t be done past 23 weeks and 6 days. Gosnell would later say he expected people to “round down” 24.5 to simply 24. The women who came in for late term abortions were always told they were 24 weeks along even if they weren’t. They would never know the truth — at least not until everything came out years later. Many of them would go on to say that if they’d known how far along they really were, they never would have had an abortion.
And Gosnell wasn’t about to waste time with regulations or cleanliness. The entire clinic was filled with unsanitary conditions — not just dust and debris but unsterilized and broken instruments. Disposable tools meant for one time use were constantly reused, and the rest weren’t properly cleaned. Employees rarely bothered to clean furniture, leaving blankets and chairs covered in blood. One pediatrician stopped referring patients to Gosnell when they all began returning with a sexually transmitted disease called trichomoniasis.
The clinic was closed on Sunday, but Gosnell never took a break. This was the day he performed abortions on women so far along in their pregnancies that he didn’t even want his other employees to see them. His wife, Pearl, work with him on these days, helping with instruments or assisting patients in the recovery room.
For most of the duration of his clinic being opened, Gosnell was the only licensed physician there. Most of his employees weren’t formally trained to do most of the things they ended up doing, which included giving out prescription drugs and even assisting with abortions. Even when Gosnell himself was performing abortions, he was said to often be eating while performing the procedure. Cats roamed around the clinic freely, using the building — including procedure rooms — as their own personal toilets. Gosnell would later say he got the cats to keep mice away.
But employees weren’t just giving out medicine for back pain. In addition to abortions, the clinic operated as a “pill mill,” giving strong drugs to anyone who was willing to pay the high price. It’s estimated that Gosnell made $15,000 per day on the 200 illegal prescriptions he would write. Employees also gave patients drugs haphazardly before abortions, which would come back to haunt Gosnell. I’ll come back to that later.
Over 45 years after Roe vs. Wade, abortion is still a controversial issue. But most people on both sides of the debate would probably agree that it should never be performed against the mother’s will. Nevertheless, Gosnell seemed to disagree. Minors would come in frequently against their will, brought in by a parent who insisted on abortion. Other women would come in initially agreeing to the procedure, but later question it. In one account, a woman named Robyn Reid recalled her time at Gosnell’s clinic. Robyn was 15 years old and three months pregnant when she went in to Gosnell’s clinic for an abortion in 1998. After arriving at the clinic, she changed her mind and planned to leave after informing Gosnell of this. But when she told him no, he didn’t listen. He undressed her and forced her into the stirrups saying, “This is the same care that I would give to my own daughter.” Robyn fell unconscious soon after and was carried out of the clinic by her mother and aunt. They took her to her aunt’s house where she woke up 12 hours after meeting with Gosnell, presumably after the abortion was performed against her will. She never filed a lawsuit.
As if all this wasn’t bad enough, Gosnell was also known for his sexual behavior, ranging from inappropriate to criminal. He was said to love groping his female employees and allegedly had numerous affairs. He was also said to take pictures of patients’ genitals as they lay unconscious or semi conscious during abortions. He supposedly did this to women from African countries as “research,” due to his interest in female genital mutilation.
One of the crucial witnesses in the eventual case against Gosnell was a woman named Adrienne Moton. Adrienne had briefly lived with Gosnell and his wife when she was a teenager. She attended community college during her time there, where she got pregnant and eventually gave birth to a baby girl. Around that time, Adrienne’s then-boyfriend sexually assaulted one of the children in Gosnell’s house — presumably one of Gosnell’s own children. When Moton reported the assault to the police, Gosnell threw her out.
Despite this, they later reconnected and, in 2005, she went to work at his clinic. During her time there, she witnessed what was perhaps Gosnell’s worst crime.
The phrase “late term abortion” isn’t a formal medical term. It’s generally used colloquially to refer to abortions performed anywhere from 21 weeks to around 27 weeks — depending on who you talk to. When done properly, these procedures can sometimes take several trips to a clinic over a period of days. But not at Gosnell’s clinic. That would be too much work. Instead, Gosnell would instruct his staff to induce labor in these women, some of whom gave birth while he wasn’t even there. Although Gosnell’s clinic opened at 10 am, he often wouldn’t get there until 8 pm, greeted by live babies from the women who had come in seeking abortions. If his staff hadn’t done it already, he would then take a pair of scissors and snip the backs of the baby’s necks to sever their spines, killing them. (In at least one case, instead of severing the spinal cord he slit the baby’s throat.) He called this process “ensuring fetal demise.”
Multiple women ended up giving birth in toilets at the clinic. The babies often wouldn’t survive this process, and the plumbing was frequently backed up. When this happened, Gosnell would always get someone else to unclog the toilet because it was “too disgusting” for him. One former clinic worker said of these incidents: “It would rain fetuses. Fetuses and blood all over the place.”
One other thing I find worth noting is the racial divide in Gosnell’s clinic. Women came from all over the country for abortions at the Women’s Medical Society, usually because the abortion they wanted would be illegal in their home states. But most of Gosnell’s patients were lower class black and Hispanic women from West Philadelphia. On the rare occasion that a middle class, suburban white woman would find her way into the clinic, Gosnell went out of his way to make sure she was treated with the utmost care. When an employee questioned him about this, Gosnell simply stated that it was “The way of the world.” (He would later say he did this because he thought the suburban white women would be more likely to file a complaint.)
With all these things going on in Gosnell’s clinic — and in his life — people started to take notice. Complaints were often raised against him, but usually ignored. The last time his clinic was inspected was in 1993. Two years later, a pro-choice Republican named Tom Ridge became Pennsylvania’s latest governor. Under Ridge, the Pennsylvania Department of Health stopped all inspections of abortion clinics for fear it would be “putting up a barrier” to women seeking abortions. The only exception would be direct complaints.
Our the years, Gosnell was a defendant in 46 civil suits, including one filed by the children of a woman named Semika Shaw. Shaw died of sepsis in 2000 after getting a perforated uterus in Gosnell’s clinic. But the suit was settled out of court in 2002, and Gosnell was never investigated.
In November 2009, a woman named Karnamaya Mongar drove to Pennsylvania from Virginia to get an abortion at Gosnell’s clinic. The 41-year-old Bhutan native had spent most of her life in a refugee camp in Nepal before being brought to the U.S. four months earlier as part of a refugee resettlement plan. A wife, mother and grandmother, Mongar was 16 weeks along in her pregnancy and had been told she couldn’t get an abortion in Virginia because the limit there — at least at the time — was 14 weeks. She spoke very little English, if any, and probably couldn’t read the forms that Gosnell’s staff gave her. She only weighed about 100 pounds, but Gosnell’s staff administered a cocktail of dangerous drugs with little regard to how it would affect her.
Mongar was still unconscious after her abortion when she stopped breathing. She had developed arrhythmia, which causes the heart to beat irregularly and in her case was probably caused by the high dosage of drugs haphazardly administered to her. Paramedics were eventually called, but it took them over twenty minutes to maneuver Mongar’s stretcher through the narrow, cluttered hallways and padlocked emergency door. Once she arrived at a hospital, Gosnell’s staff lied about how much medicine she’d been given, presumably to cover up their negligence. She slipped into a coma and was pronounced dead the next day. A few months after her death, Gosnell wrote a letter to her family, insisting he did everything he could for Mongar and that her death was nothing more than a freak accident. He also assured them he hadn’t touched the money she paid him for her abortion.
After Mongar’s death, more complaints were made about Gosnell to the Pennsylvania Department of Health. Like the rest, these complaints were ignored, but it wouldn’t be long before Gosnell’s evasions of the law came to a screeching halt.
At the time of Mongar’s death, Detective Jim “Woody” Wood was working as an undercover narcotics agent for the Philadelphia district attorney. He was given Gosnell’s name by an informant and, on February 18, 2010, the Women’s Medical Society was raided by the DEA, DA, FBI, Department of State and the Department of Health.
Those who participated in the raid entered the clinic that day to a horrible sight. Half conscious women waiting to get abortions sat in dirty chairs, naked from the waist down and covered up in blood stained blankets. Aborted fetuses were stored around the clinic in things like milk and organ juice containers or even cat food bags or refrigerate or freezers — right next to employee lunches. The investigators noticed that many of the fetuses looked past the 24 week limit as well as the incisions at the base of their skulls. One agent said the clinic looked like “a bad gas station restroom.” Prosecutors would later refer to it as a “house of horrors.”
Gosnell’s medical license was suspended on February 22. That same week, the Women’s Medical Society was finally shut down. That same month, the Pennsylvania Department of Health started regularly inspecting abortion clinics again. On April 22, Gosnell’s home was searched. The house was just as dirty and cluttered as the clinic, and lots of patient files had been stored there. In the bedroom closet of Gosnell’s then 12-year-old daughter, investigators found $240,000 in cash and a gun.
It seemed like Gosnell’s years of illegal activity were finally catching up with him. But there was something else that still bugged investigators — the incisions in the back of the skulls of so many (presumably) aborted fetuses.
There are a couple of different methods for performing a late term abortion. One is called induction abortion, in which potassium chloride is injected into the woman’s abdomen or vagina to stop baby’s heartbeat. Then the baby is delivered, intact but dead. However, this procedure is rare, and most late term abortions are performed by one of two methods: Dilation and evacuation or dilation and extraction.
In dilation and evacuation, a doctor uses forceps to pull the baby’s limbs out and crush the skull, I presume so it’ll come out easier. Dilation and extraction is similar, but the baby’s limbs are actually pulled through the birth canal using forceps. Then an incision is made at the base of the skull and a suction catheter is put inside, which collapses the skull. Dilation and extraction is also known more colloquially as “partial birth abortion” and is illegal in most circumstances.
I know I just threw a lot of gruesome details at you. But I say all this to show that most late term abortion procedures involve crushing the skull. The babies in Gosnell’s clinic had a snip at the back of their neck that would seem to indicate dilation and extraction, but their skulls — and the rest of their bodies — were intact. If their bodies were intact, it could have been an induction abortion — but this wouldn’t explain the snips at the back of their skulls. This — in addition to numerous stories of witness testimony — is how investigators came to the conclusion that the babies at the clinic hadn't been aborted, but were born alive and then killed.
In January 2011, Kermit Gosnell was indicted on 258 charges, including first degree murder, involuntary manslaughter, infanticide, perjury, illegal late term abortions, abuse of a corpse, theft and conspiracy. The 261 page grand jury report was scathing, implicating not only Gosnell and several members of his staff, but the health department that looked the other way after so many complaints against Gosnell. The report also claimed the case — and the indictments — had nothing to do with the ‘pro-life’ versus ‘pro-choice’ debate, but about the "disregard of the law and disdain for the lives and health of mothers and infants.” District attorney Seth Williams agreed. After the report was released, he said: “A doctor with scissors cuts into the necks, severing the spinal cords of living, breathing babies who would survive with proper medical attention commits murder under the law. Regardless of one’s feelings about abortion, whatever one’s beliefs, that is the law.”
Kermit Gosnell and nine of his staff members were arrested on January 19. His trial began on March 18, 2013. Among the charges of things like perjury and abuse of a corpse, he was facing 8 counts of murder — 7 for babies and one charge of involuntary manslaughter in the death of Karnamaya Mongar. Because so many of the patient files had been destroyed beforehand and therefore it was hard to prosecute those cases, some people believe he may have killed hundreds of babies, potentially making him one of America’s most prolific serial killers.
But Gosnell’s defense refuted this. They insisted there was no scientific evidence that the babies had been born alive, and that Gosnell had aborted them legally. They also pointed out other health issues that Mongar had that presumably led to her death, meaning it was out of Gosnell's hands. One of Gosnell’s defense lawyers called the prosecution “elitist” and “racist” and described the entire trial as a “prosecutorial lynching.”
Just over a month into the trial, the judge threw out three of the seven murder charges, as well as the charges of abuse of a corpse. These charges stemmed from dismembered baby’s feet that Gosnell kept stored in jars around his clinic. Why he kept these feet isn’t entirely clear. He said it was for DNA purposes, though an entire foot isn’t required for a DNA sample, and nobody ever asked for one anyway. Some people believe he kept these feet as trophies.
Still, the trial moved on. And one of the key witnesses against Gosnell was his former housemate and employee, Adrienne Moton. For her part in what went on at the clinic, Moton pled guilty to third degree murder in exchange for her testimony against Gosnell. She was eventually sentenced to 11 1/2 to 23 months in prison, but was released after sentencing since she had already served 2 1/2 years.
Moton testified to what several witnesses already had: The babies in toilets, having to snip their necks at Gosnell’s request, the commonality of the murders. But the most compelling testimony she gave concerned a victim known only as ‘Baby Boy A.’ When she saw the aborted fetus of Baby Boy A, Moton said he looked unusually big — surely big enough that it was illegal to abort him. She also recalls Gosnell joking about how Baby Boy A was "big enough to...walk me to the bus stop.” Moton was so stunned by the sight that she took a photo of Baby Boy A, which was shown to the jury.
During the trial, an interesting debate broke out. The earliest mention of it I could find was in a Washington Times article on March 27, 2013. Temple University journalism professor Christopher Harper questioned why the media was so silent on the case, and why it was only making news in Gosnell’s native Philadelphia. At the time, he theorized that the case might have gone under the national radar because most of Gosnell’s victims were black.
But the debate really exploded on April 11, when well-known political commentator Kirsten Powers wrote a USA Today article about the Gosnell trial, claiming “we’ve forgotten what belongs on page one" and lamenting the “precious little coverage” the case had gotten. A few days later, a Philadelphia journalist covering the trial tweeted a photo of rows of empty seats in the courtroom reserved for the media. Between these two things, the case started getting quite a bit of attention on social media, with activists encouraging twitter users to use the hashtag #Gosnell to get people to pay attention. In a sense, it worked — though most of the media coverage was about why there hadn’t been that much media coverage in the beginning.
Those who said there was a media blackout named numerous news sites that had covered the case very little — or not at all — prior to Kirsten Powers’s column. A number of theories have been offered up as to why — that it was too graphic, because most outlets covering it were “special interest” groups (like social conservatives or progressive feminists), or, like Christopher Harper initially pointed out, most of Gosnell’s victims were black. But the most prominent theory was that the largely pro choice media had ignored the story because it made them uncomfortable. According to this theory, the Gosnell case raised important questions about if and when abortion should be allowed at all, and what the difference really is between a newborn and a 24 or even 30 week old fetus.
But others weren’t so sure. On April 11, Irin Carmon wrote a Slate article claiming there was no media blackout, that there had been plenty of media coverage even before Kirsten Powers’s column. A follow up article by a different author on the same site called out conservatives and pro life activists, saying they weren’t paying attention to the case either before it took off. Several others also cited a gag order that had been imposed on everyone involved in the trial until after the sentencing phase, as well as the fact that cameras weren’t allowed in the courtroom. (In fact, J.D. Mullane, the journalist who tweeted out the photo of the empty courtroom seats, was risking contempt of court just by doing that.)
Amidst the debate, the trial continued. On April 30, after seven weeks of testimony, the case went to the jury. (Interestingly, the defense called no witnesses.) After 10 days of deliberation, the jury returned with a verdict on Monday, May 13. Kermit Gosnell was found guilty of first degree murder in three of the four infant deaths he faced charges for. He was also found guilty of involuntary manslaughter in Karnamaya Mongar’s death, as well as performing 21 illegal abortions. After the trial, Gosnell’s attorney Jack McMahon compared his case to a salmon swimming upstream and claimed the public was against them. His accusations of racism also seemed to have fallen apart; the jury that convicted Gosnell was predominately black, the same race as Gosnell. There were also no jury members who described themselves as pro-life; all claimed to be either pro-choice or neutral on abortion.
Gosnell faced the death penalty, but waived his right to an appeal in order to get that taken off the table. He was sentenced to life in prison without parole. He remains in prison today, but maintains his innocence, saying everything he did was to help his community. Ironically, he also passes his time by reading crime novels.
Pearl Gosnell pled guilty to racketeering and performing illegal abortions. She was sentenced to 7 to 23 months in prison, and didn’t have many kind words for her husband. From what I've read, it seems their marriage went sour long before Gosnell’s trial. Pearl called Gosnell a coward for not speaking at his trial or apologizing to his victims. She did, however, say she was happy he didn’t get the death penalty. Another of Gosnell’s former employees, Tina Baldwin, was sentenced to 30 months probation after pleading guilty to several charges — one being corruption of a minor for letting her 15-year-old daughter work at the clinic.
But how did Gosnell get away with this for so long? Dozens of his employees witnessed him killing newborns (as well as numerous other crimes). Multiple complaints were filed against him, stretching back to 1983. Even after the Pennsylvania Department of Health stopped inspecting abortion clinics in 1993, they were still supposed to follow up on these complaints. Yet Gosnell got away with his crimes for decades. Why the silence?
Part of it could be doctors unwilling to report their colleagues. This is apparently pretty common; doctors are afraid if they snitch on other doctors, their own careers will be put in jeopardy and face retaliation, their relationships with other co-workers could be damaged, as well as the long legal proceedings. A few doctors did report Gosnell, but their reports were never followed up on.
And it’s not too surprising that Gosnell’s employees kept silent. After all, many of them were accomplices to his crimes. The ones who weren’t were often desperate, picked by Gosnell specifically for that reason. Despite his unwillingness to spend money on basic cleanliness, he paid his employees decently — and they weren’t about to give all that up when they had families to support.
The grand jury weighed in on these issues as well. They claimed Gosnell got away with his crimes for so long for three reasons. One was the race and socioeconomic status of most of his adult victims. Second was because other victims were “infants without identities" and third was because of what they called the “political football of abortion.”
Both pro-life and pro-choice activists responded to the Gosnell case. In June, the Republican led House of Representatives approved a bill to ban abortions after 20 weeks, with an exception for rape or incest. This bill was thought to be directly inspired by Gosnell, though I don’t believe it ultimately passed. Pro-choice advocates responded to the case by saying it showed that abortion clinics should be better regulated and women need better access to safe, legal abortions so they won't feel the need to go to people like Gosnell.
Like I said earlier, after the Gosnell verdict inspections of abortion clinics in Pennsylvania resumed. As a result, 14 of Pennsylvania’s 22 abortion clinics were required to make changes, mostly to things like out of date equipment and unlabeled medications — things that are important, but come nowhere close to the horrors of Gosnell’s clinic.
I know I sound like a broken record at this point, but abortion is obviously a very polarizing issue. Because of this, it’s an uncomfortable subject to bring up, and lots of people don’t like to talk about it. With numerous states introducing bills that attempt to restrict abortions, the topic has been in the news quite a bit lately. I’ve seen lots of contention over these bills and, regardless of what disagreements people will ultimately have, I think it’s good we’re finally having the conversation. Abortion is an issue that could affect millions more people than it already has, and I think it’s important for everyone to be as informed as possible so we can have a healthy debate.
Four days after the grand jury report was released, Pennsylvania swore in a new governor, Tom Corbett. Once Corbett took office, he fired a number of government officials thought to have willingly looked the other way and allowed Gosnell to get away with his crimes for as long as he did. In December of that year, a new bill was passed that required Pennsylvania to treat abortion clinics the same way as any other surgical facility in terms of regular inspections. It also requires the Department of Health to follow up on every complaint at an abortion facility within 48 hours and to visit the clinic within five working days. This bill was also a direct result of the Gosnell case. In September 2013, the bodies of Gosnell’s victims were buried at Laurel Hill Cemetery in Philadelphia. In 2015, the family of Karnamaya Mongar won $3.9 million in damages from a civil lawsuit filed back in 2011.
On March 28, 2014, a campaign began on the site indiegogo to raise money for a movie about Gosnell’s trial. The camp gain ended on May 12 and raised $2.3 million, the fourth largest amount for a film raised on the site.
Two of the movie’s producers, Ann McElhinney and Phelim McAleer, also wrote a book about the case to tie in with the movie’s release but provide more detail about the case. Gosnell: The Untold Story of America’s Most Prolific Serial Killer was released on January 24, 2017 and quickly became an Amazon (and New York Times) bestseller.
The corresponding movie was set to be released around the same time, but the judge in Gosnell’s trial sued to block its release for fear he’d be negatively portrayed. The lawsuit was settled, and the movie was finally released on October 12, 2018. Critics were divided on it, but audiences really seemed to enjoy it. After seeing the movie, I don’t remember the judge being in it much at all.
So this is just about everything I have on Kermit Gosnell and his crimes up to the present day. I am curious to know your thoughts on the case. What do you think of the charges and convictions against him? Do you really think there was a “media blackout” in the case? Had you heard of Kermit Gosnell before this video? Let me know in the comments. Personally, I agree with the people who say this case was never really about abortion. Kermit Gosnell killed newborn infants, was indirectly responsible for the deaths of two women due to his negligence and put countless other women in harm’s way. Regardless of whether you consider yourself pro-life, pro-choice or something else entirely, I think we can all agree that his crimes were reprehensible.
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